The language used to justify this ranges from the blatant racism of Hungary’s prime minister Viktor Orbán, to that used by leaders in the northern states, who tend to fall back on ‘the fiction that Europe is the continent of liberalism, generosity and the rule of law’ (p.

The perspective I take in this book … eschews a boxed-in, academic study of fascism, which almost invariably divorces the study of the far right from a simultaneous study of the state, and the study of fascism itself from popular and state racism. Essential reading, showing the long history leading to the current spike in anti-migrant, racist sentiment, and places the responsibility firmly at the hands of governments who used anti-immigration rhetoric to fuel their own agendas and draw attention away from the damage their policies have done.She talks about the differing ways in which this approach has seeped through and been implemented, and makes efficacious points regarding the specificities of the countries involved, and how this discourse has been tailored to meet them. This gives the reader a clear picture of what is to come and provides navigation through the designations ‘extreme right’, ‘hard right’ and ‘far right’, terms which are often used interchangeably by the corporate media. This has also seen the erection of statues of anti-Semitic politicians from the era, and concerted attacks on the archive of Jewish Hungarian Marxist György Lukács, and the Central European University, founded by Jewish Hungarian American George Soros.

This pattern is not repeated in every country, but it is strongly enough marked to merit further investigation. In that vein this is also a book about the struggle against such forces and never loses sight of the value and part to be played by the vibrant tradition of anti-racist thought and practice in forging a better and more progressive European future.

Instead, various ‘Exist schemes’ actively provide a culture of white victimhood and pursue an overly psychological approach. They are both boxes, that is attempts to divert us away from simply arriving at the conclusions our investigation brings us to (which might result in – well ‑ thinking outside the box). With ‘extreme right’ are meant political parties running for office and positioned to the right of traditional conservative parties. Drawing on her work for the Institute of Race Relations over thirty years, Liz Fekete exposes the fundamental fault lines of racism and authoritarianism in contemporary Europe. It does not focus on narrow academic debates, but gives a broad overview of the worrying developments related to the rise of the right in the recent decade.

Secondly, in so doing, she interrogates how the predominant form of capitalism on the continent has provided a friendly environment for the growth of the far right, accommodated and normalised this growth, and why. The data depicts the 10 per cent ‘exceedance probability’ that a peak ground acceleration of a certain fraction of the gravitational acceleration is observed within the next 50 years. The main drivers of the earthquake risk are older buildings, high earthquake hazard, and urban areas. It is important when analysing such seismic results not to fall into the trap of utilising a hypodermic-needle model that assumes that people are empty vessels, deprived of agency, and simply open to all the worst sorts of propagandising. There is a disappointing tendency in some left wing circles, including this author, to construct a narrative around imperialism, racism and white supremacy to explain a large diverse range of movements from Trump to Le Pen.But the Chemnitz riots also showed the active part state organisations can play in making extreme right views acceptable in society. Low risk areas are coloured from white to light blue, moderate risk areas from blue to red and high risk areas appear in dark red. This atrocity is also linked to the commencement of wars in the Islamic world after the Cold War had ended.